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If Belgrade won't send Slobodan Milosevic to The Hague, there is every good reason for The Hague to come to Belgrade and try him there. The hints given to Madeleine Albright in Washington by Yugoslavia's new foreign minister, Goran Svilanovic, that this course may be acceptable to the Kostunica administration should be welcomed with open arms.

Vojislav Kostunica’s coalition, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), should win an overwhelming victory in the 23 December Serbian elections. The elections themselves will not rid Serbia of the structures, policies and attitudes of the Milosevic regime.

As governments embark on the process of lifting sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), following the victory of opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica in Presidential elections held on 24 September 2000, this briefing paper sets forth a comprehensive list of sanctions currently in place against the FRY and the current status of FRY participation and/or membership in international organisations.

Since the International Crisis Group’s (ICG’s) last paper addressing the Serbian political scene, the situation on the ground inside Serbia has changed dramatically

The deteriorating relationship between Montenegro and Belgrade has raised the question of whether the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, with its two constituent republics of Serbia and Montenegro, in fact continues to exist.

The regime in Serbia has recovered its footing after the 1999 war with NATO and remains as hard-line as ever. Learning and gaining experience over the years has enabled the regime to “improve” its performance and become more efficient.

Nearly a year after NATO defeated Serbia in the war over Kosovo, the international community appears uncertain about how to remove Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from power.

The recent crackdown by the Belgrade regime on Serbia’s independent media and political activists suggests that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic is more vulnerable than it would appear.

As 1999 nears a close two questions about Yugoslav Strong-man Slobodan Milosevic stand out: How did he stay in power after the NATO action, beginning on 24 March 1999, and will he opt for bloodshed in Montenegro, at least before the end of January 2000?

The NATO intervention in Serbia and the indictment of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia have created openings within Serbian society and exposed cleavages within the regime that should be rapidly exploited to hasten Milosevic’s departure and bring about genuine political change.